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EU Parl Watch

Changes between two versions

What changed between the draft committee report and the plenary report

From · draft committee report· 6 Feb 2026

AFET-PR-781407

on the 2025 Commission report on Türkiye

To · plenary report· 21 Apr 2026

A-10-2026-0106

on the 2025 Commission report on Türkiye

AI:What changed, in short

The report adds extensive new recitals and paragraphs detailing human rights abuses, judicial independence issues, and democratic backsliding in Türkiye.1234 It expands sections on economic, migration, and foreign policy cooperation, including Cyprus, Russia sanctions, and regional security.12131415 It strengthens conditionality for resuming accession talks and calls for concrete measures from Turkish authorities.1617 The only formal change updates the forwarding instructions for the resolution.18

17 changes of substance · 1 formal · 0 of wording only

Written by AI from the two texts only · read the changes before relying on it · 4 Sept 2026 · Report a problem

+91 added · −34 removed · 15 changed paragraphs, packaging included.

Part 2 of 4: Paragraphs 61–120

Added:M. whereas according to Transparency International, Türkiye scored 31 out of 100 in its 2025 Corruption Perceptions Index, having fallen from 50 out of 100 in 2013 to its lowest mark, meaning that Türkiye currently ranks 124th out of 180 countries; whereas more than nine years after the adoption of the Council of Europe’s Group of States against Corruption’s (GRECO) Fourth Round Evaluation Report on Türkiye, only 3 out of 22 recommendations contained in the report have been implemented in full;

Added:N. whereas Türkiye is a diverse multi-ethnic society in a complex and tension-prone region;

Added:O. whereas Türkiye is going through a political process entitled ‘Terror-free Türkiye’, with the aim of ending political violence and addressing the Kurdish issue through a political solution;

Added:P. whereas beyond the accession process, constructive engagement in EU-Türkiye relations is needed, whereas Türkiye is a member of NATO and a key partner for the stability in the wider Eastern Mediterranean region and in the areas of trade, economic relations, security, migration and cooperation against terrorism; whereas cooperation with Türkiye is advancing in a number of policy areas of common interest, including through high-level dialogues regarding the removal of trade barriers and increased cooperation on prevention of sanctions circumvention, and could further advance in a phased, proportionate and reversible manner fully in line with the April 2024 European Council conclusions,

Added:Q. whereas Türkiye continues to host one of the largest refugee populations in the world; whereas EU-Türkiye cooperation on migration management, security and regional stability continues to be of strategic importance and contributes to the reduction of irregular and dangerous crossings on the Eastern Mediterranean route to Europe and in saving lives at sea; whereas since 2011 the EU has provided close to EUR 12.5 billion for the support of refugees and host communities in Türkiye;

Added:R. whereas Türkiye’s alignment with the EU’s common foreign and security policy has reached an all-time low of 4 % in 2025, compared with 6 % in 2024; whereas this is by far the lowest level of alignment of any candidate country; whereas this indicator does not capture all levels of engagement of any given candidate country in the field of foreign and security policy;

Added:S. whereas the tensions between the EU and Türkiye in relation to the situation in the Eastern Mediterranean have de-escalated but not ceased;

Added:T. whereas Türkiye continues to play a significant role in the Syrian conflict; whereas Türkiye has conducted large-scale military operations on Syrian territory, particularly targeting Kurdish-held areas, and occupies territories in northern Syria, both of which are violations of international law;

Added:U. whereas the military operations against the Iranian regime will have implications for Türkiye given its geographic proximity, including through spillover effects, in particular with regard to renewed migration pressures; whereas Türkiye has faced several missile threats against its territory originating from Iran, which were successfully neutralised via the NATO integrated air and missile defence system;

Added:V. whereas the EU-Türkiye trade relationship is particularly extensive, involves highly integrated supply chains, and was valued at over EUR 210 billion in 2024, with Türkiye being the EU’s fifth largest trading partner and the EU being Türkiye’s largest trading partner by far, as well as its primary source of foreign direct investment;

Added:W. whereas Türkiye's economy has been affected by high inflation, currency instability and structural challenges, with direct implications for workers, households and social cohesion; whereas over the last two years, the negative trend has been halted and corrected with sound macroeconomic policies, which, however, need time to take effect;

Added:X. whereas Turkish nationals account for the second highest number of processed applications for EU visas;

Added:Y. whereas Türkiye will host the 31st UN Climate Change Conference in Antalya in November 2026 and should therefore demonstrate credible commitment to implementing its CO2 reduction targets and making its climate policy more ambitious;

Added:Z. whereas prominent figures in the opposition have recently openly advocated for a re-engagement between the EU and Türkiye; whereas former Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP) co-chair Selahattin Demirtaş has called for the resumption of the Turkish accession process with the idea that this would, despite all of the current difficulties and shortcomings, trigger action in the area of democratic reform and could create leverage for all stakeholders; whereas CHP Chairperson Özgür Özel, in a letter addressed to EU stakeholders, has advocated for a more inclusive and strategic understanding of cooperation between the EU and Türkiye, reaffirming support for full EU membership, and stressing that the deepening of institutional and economic integration – including in the ‘Made in Europe’ process – will serve as an important lever for the consolidation of democracy, human rights and the rule of law in Türkiye; whereas CHP presidential candidate and Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu has also expressed in a letter the view that disengagement with Türkiye would weaken the EU’s support for the democratic transformation in the country; whereas he has further called for a principled step-by-step rebuilding of relations, including a steady engagement anchored in the Copenhagen criteria and the urgent initiation of talks regarding the modernisation of the customs union, as a means to keep Türkiye closely aligned with EU standards and reinforce transparency, competitiveness and the rule of law;

Commitment to EU accession

Change 4

Removed:1. Reaffirms its appreciation for the long-standing aspirations of Turkish civil society regarding accession to the European Union, despite the persistent lack of progress;

Added:1. Reaffirms its appreciation for the long-standing aspirations of the majority of the Turkish people regarding accession to the EU and maintaining Türkiye’s candidate status, despite the persistent lack of progress and political will; acknowledges the fatigue that, as a consequence, continues to grow among stakeholders on both sides of the process; underscores, however, that any development in the accession process requires tangible progress in upholding the rule of law and democratic processes and believes that, in the absence of such progress, Türkiye’s EU accession process cannot be resumed;

Change 5

Changed:2. Stresses the merit-based, normative, non-transactional nature of the EU accession process, which is contingent on fulfilling the Copenhagen criteria and is not bound by any deadline; stresses that this fulfilment requires stable institutions that guarantee democracy, the rule of law, human rights, respect for and the protection of minorities, good neighbourly relations, recognition of all Member States, respect for international law and alignment with the EU’s common foreign and security policy;

Change 6

Changed:3. Notes with regret that despite the Turkish Government’s repeated statements recommitting to the goal of EU membership, persistent and serious concerns raised in its previous reports regarding shortcomings affecting the accession process haveremain notunaddressed, including the continued undermining of human rights and the civil society space, and that even further serious backsliding in rule of law and deteriorating fundamental rights have been addressed;documented in the most recent period, in continuation of the trend that has pushed the country towards an authoritarian model over the past decade; considers this continued inaction as a clear signalindication of the Turkish Government’s lack of realgenuine commitmentpolitical towill for reform or for reviving the accession process;

Change 7

Removed:4. Invites the Turkish government to move from rhetoric to action and to address the persistent shortcomings in the areas of the rule of law and fundamental freedoms;

Added:4. Invites the Turkish Government to move from rhetoric to action and, instead of lamenting the length of time Türkiye has been kept waiting at the EU’s door, to demonstrate through concrete and well-understood measures, its genuine willingness to address the persistent shortcomings in the areas of the rule of law, human rights, democratic standards, freedom of the press and other fundamental freedoms , as well as with regard to respect for good neighbourly relations and international law; stresses in particular, among other urgent measures, the need to strengthen the independence of the judiciary, safeguard freedom of expression, protect journalists and the rights of local authorities, and put an end to politically motivated trials;

Change 8

Changed:5. Reiterates, nevertheless, that, while the accession process has been at a standstill since 2018, Türkiye remains a country of strategic partnerrelevance, anda NATO ally,ally and a country with which the EU has intricatemulti-layered relations inranging from the areas of security, trade, economy and migration management to foreign and security policy; underlines Türkiye’s importance for the economyregional security framework and migration;stability, as well as for the security of Ukraine in the face of Russia’s aggression; stresses, however, that growing foreign policy divergences are hardly compatible with the European security and defence architecture; firmly supports the development of a cooperative and mutually beneficial relationship with Türkiye in every field of common interest in a phased, proportionate and reversible manner, in line with the April 2024 European Council conclusions and bound by and aimed at promoting international law;

Change 9

Removed:6. Is deeply concerned by the silence of other EU institutions, and many EU Member States, in the face of the erosion of the rule of law in Türkiye;

Added:6. Expresses its hope for a change of course in the Turkish Government’s engagement with the fundamental issues at the core of the EU accession process, which would allow the EU-Türkiye relationship to develop towards a closer partnership with the perspective of a possible future reopening of the accession process;

Added:7. Is deeply concerned by the weak voice and scarce statements of other EU institutions, and many EU Member States, in the face of the erosion of the rule of law in Türkiye; underlines that the failure by high-level EU officials to consistently and publicly address the ongoing democratic backsliding – particularly during official visits to the country – risks further alienating Turkish civil society and undermining the EU’s image and credibility, including among the most pro-EU segments of Turkish society, in a manner that will take long time to remedy; calls on the EU ambassador and the ambassadors of EU Member States in Türkiye to resume visiting prominent imprisoned figures, to attend relevant trials, to publicly oppose the continued targeting of political parties and members of the opposition and dissenting voices, and to systematically raise concerns with Turkish authorities in this regard, while maintaining close engagement with civil society;

The core of the accession process: democracy, the rule of law and fundamental rights

Change 10

Changed:7.8. Expresses grave concern at the continuing serious erosion of the rule of law and the lack of judicial independence in Türkiye, in the framework of a deeply entrenched authoritarian interpretation of the presidential system; deplores the crackdown and arbitrary legal proceedings that are applied by the Turkish judiciary on politicians, journalists, lawyers, activists, artists and anyone who dares to raise a critical voice; further deplores the shrinking space for media freedom, civic activity and the right to assembly in the country and calls on the government to reverse this trend before it is too late; calls for the adoption of structural measures allowing for the significant improvement of judicial independence;

Change 11

Removed:8. Deplores the extensive use of double standards in the judiciary;

Added:9. Deplores the lack of impartiality and independence and the extensive use of double standards in the judiciary, both by prosecutors and judges, particularly relating to cases about insulting officials or corruption charges; notes that government supporters are not treated in the same way as opposition members; further deplores the unlawful practice of the removal and arbitrary displacement of judges working on political cases, which significantly affects the impartiality of the process; calls on the Turkish judiciary to put an end to the use of evidence from secret witnesses, a practice that is particularly recurrent in high-profile cases and in which evidence is accepted without verification in what constitutes a clear violation of the right to a fair trial and runs contrary to the case-law of the ECtHR; highlights that this abusive use of legal proceedings leads to grave breaches of the legal presumption of innocence in contravention of international legal responsibilities and Turkish domestic law; is alarmed by reports of a severe deterioration in the quality of judicial proceedings in Türkiye, particularly observed in the low quality of the indictments, in breach of both domestic and international legal standards; points to the Turkish Council of Judges and Prosecutors and its evident lack of independence from the government in the selection, recruitment and promotion of judges and prosecutors as a key factor enabling the deliberate weaponisation of the judiciary to suppress dissent;

Removed:9. Urges Türkiye once again to fully implement all judgments of the ECtHR, in line with Article 46 of the ECHR and in line with the unconditional obligations derived from Article 90 of the Turkish Constitution;

Added:10. Notes with regret that even though EU enlargement policy is currently regaining new momentum, Türkiye is missing this window of opportunity because of a lack of democratic reforms; further notes that a first step to seizing this opportunity would be to abide by the rulings of the rECtHR and the Constitutional Court of Türkiye; continues to be appalled by the Turkish authorities’, and in particular the Turkish judiciary’s, continuous disregard for and failure to apply landmark Constitutional Court and ECtHR rulings, which undermines legal certainty and perpetuates systemic violations; takes note with regret of the prolonged infringement proceedings by the Council of Europe’s Committee of Ministers, which have resulted in a failure to act effectively to enforce ECtHR judgments and ensure compliance with them; calls on the Commission and the Member States to use all diplomatic channels to urge Türkiye to implement relevant ECtHR rulings and to consider applying relevant funding conditionality in relation to compliance with ECtHR rulings; condemns in the strongest possible terms the Turkish authorities’ sustained and deliberate decision to illegally keep imprisoned, on political grounds, prominent figures such as former HDP party co-chairs Selahattin Demirtaş and Figen Yüksekdağ –for more than 9 years – and human rights defender Osman Kavala –for more than 8 years –, despite the relevant ECtHR rulings; calls for their immediate and unconditional release; is appalled to see that, instead of being immediately freed, Selahattin Demirtaş received on 6 January 2026 an additional prison sentence of more than one year in a different case based on speeches delivered back in 2015, despite the now three landmark rulings by the ECtHR calling for his release, the last of which was made final on 3 November 2025; considers these actions a grave abuse of power and a display of flagrant contempt for the rule of law; urges Türkiye once again to fully implement all judgments of the ECtHR in line with Article 46 of the ECHR and in line with the unconditional obligations derived from Article 90 of the Turkish Constitution, including the ECtHR’s 2023 ruling in Yüksel Yalçınkaya v Türkiye and related cases; takes note of the ECtHR decision not to award compensation or cover legal costs in the thousands of follow-up cases, which could be potentially unfair to applicants and inconsistent with prior practice of the court; calls on Türkiye to also respect judgements related to missing persons and properties in Cyprus, including the ECtHR decision of 24 January 2008 in the case of the murders of Tassos Isaak and Solomos Solomou; calls on the Turkish authorities to execute the international arrest warrants issued against the suspects in these murders and to surrender these individuals to the Republic of Cyprus;

Removed:10. Is deeply concerned by the growing constitutional crisis in Türkiye caused by the refusal of ordinary courts to comply with binding Constitutional Court judgments or other decisions of relevant higher judicial instances;

Added:11. Is deeply concerned by the growing constitutional crisis in Türkiye caused by the refusal of ordinary courts to comply with binding Constitutional Court judgments or other decisions of relevant higher judicial instances, which constitutes a clear rupture of the legal order; condemns the continued detention of Gezi case defendant Can Atalay, despite two binding decisions of the Constitutional Court, and strongly denounces the unlawful stripping of his parliamentary mandate in open defiance of constitutional guarantees and the democratic will of the electorate; condemns the decision of the Istanbul 13th High Criminal Court to reject the Constitutional Court’s order for a retrial in the case of Tayfun Kahraman, another Gezi case defendant whose health has seriously deteriorated recently, denying the requests to halt the execution of the sentence and to release him; is appalled by the recent conviction of Ayşe Barım, a well-known talent manager, for alleged involvement in the Gezi Park protest 13 years ago despite the lack of any evidence of wrongdoing; further regrets that the Ankara Regional Administrative Court’s 13th Administrative Chamber has refused to comply with the Council of State’s landmark decision in the case of Hafize Öztürk Türkmen – the first related to one of the ‘peace academics’ – and by which he should have been reinstated in his university position; calls for the immediate and unconditional release of all arbitrarily detained individuals, for the dropping of charges against those prosecuted solely for exercising their fundamental rights, and for an end to the misuse of counterterrorism and judicial mechanisms to silence dissent;

Removed:11. Deplores the continued targeting of political parties and members of the opposition, who continue to suffer increasing pressure; reiterates its strong condemnation of the continued detention and the removal from office of the Mayor of the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality, Ekrem İmamoğlu of the Republican People’s Party (CHP);

Added:12. Deplores the continued targeting of political parties and members of the opposition, who continue to suffer increasing pressure, particularly severe in the last year with regard to the main opposition party CHP; reiterates its strong condemnation of the continued detention and the removal from office of the Mayor of the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality, Ekrem İmamoğlu of the CHP, in what has become a massive political case affecting more than 400 defendants including district mayors and officials, 105 of which are currently in pre-trial detention; welcomes the recent visits to Türkiye of EU mayors and city representatives and members of the European Committee of the Regions showing their solidarity and supportwith the defendants; echoes their call for the respect of municipal freedoms; is deeply concerned by the acceptance of the nearly 4 000-page indictment, prepared under the responsibility of the notorious former Istanbul Chief Public Prosecutor Akın Gürlek, in which İmamoğlu is accused of leading a vast criminal network and committing 142 offenses that could result in a sentence of up to 2 430 years in prison; welcomes the significant decision of the ECtHR to accept İmamoğlu’s application concerning alleged unlawful detention under its ‘priority case’ procedure; condemns the long-standing targeting of Ekrem İmamoğlu, the CHP’s current presidential candidate, through a maze of dozens of investigations, overlapping judicial cases and arbitrary administrative decisions, including another recent indictment on charges of ‘political espionage’ and the unlawful and politically motivated revocation of his university diploma, a requisite for his eligibility to be Turkish President; deplores the Istanbul 5th Administrative Court’s decision on 23 January 2026 to reject İmamoğlu’s request to overturn the revocation decision; is deeply concerned by the staggering number of procedures filed at the GNAT seeking the lifting of the parliamentary immunity of current MPs, which overwhelmingly affect members of opposition parties; emphasises that these actions undermine the prospect for a stronger more comprehensive EU-Türkiye partnership and overall improved relations; calls on all political actors in Türkiye to engage seriously in strengthening the GNAT as a pluralist chamber, to address the challenges facing Turkish society, and to lay the foundations for a democratic future;

Removed:12. Is gravely concerned by the further deterioration of local democracy in Türkiye; strongly condemns the dismissals and arrests of 28 elected mayors from opposition parties and dozens of local officials, as well as the replacement of 11 mayors with trustees appointed by the government;

Added:13. Is gravely concerned by the further deterioration of local democracy in Türkiye; strongly condemns the dismissals and arrests of 28 elected mayors from opposition parties and dozens of local officials, as well as the replacement of 11 mayors with trustees appointed by the government, often in connection with the overly broad and arbitrary application of Türkiye’s anti-terror legislation or unsubstantiated corruption allegations; reiterates its consideration of this long-standing practice of appointing trustees as a blatant attack on the most basic principles of local democracy; urges the Turkish authorities to immediately cease and reverse the repression of opposition municipalities – including through the selective seizure of financial assets – and to respect the rights of voters to elect their chosen representatives in line with the recommendations of the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities of the Council of Europe and the Venice Commission; highlights that the dismantling of local democracy significantly weakens state capacity, notably for the provision of services, crisis response (such as for earthquakes) and social services for refugees and vulnerable groups, and therefore threatens human security;

Removed:13. Continues to deplore the ongoing prosecution, censorship and harassment of journalists and independent media;

Added:14. Condemns the harassment and attacks on defence lawyers on account of their professional activities, as illustrated by the ongoing imprisonment of Mehmet Pehlivan (Ekrem İmamoğlu’s lawyer) or the recent sentencing to 11 years in jail of Ramazan Demir (Selahattin Demirtaş’s lawyer); considers these and other actions against lawyers as an unacceptable interference with the right to defence and the legal profession, which is one of the fundamental elements of a functioning judiciary and the rule of law; welcomes the 26th Istanbul Heavy Penal Court’s acquittal on terrorism-related charges of the president and 10 members of the executive board of the Istanbul Bar Association but stresses that this criminal case should not have happened in the first place; calls on Turkish authorities to implement safeguards for the independence, safety and autonomy of lawyers and to ensure that lawyers and their professional bodies are not subjected to prosecution or other improper pressure solely for carrying out their lawful functions, thereby ensuring that the rights of legal professionals are aligned with Council of Europe standards;

Removed:14. Remains deeply concerned about the situation of women’s rights, and particularly about the high level of gender-based violence and the high incidence of femicide in Türkiye;

Added:15. Continues to deplore the ongoing and intensifying prosecution, censorship and harassment of journalists and independent media, denying them the freedom to carry out their professional duties and inform the public, which is essential to a functioning democratic society; is deeply worried by reports indicating that up to 90 % of the national media is now pro-government or under government control; deeply regrets, in this regard, the seizure by the Turkish Government of TELE1, one of the few remaining critical broadcasters, which is now under trustee control, and considers this a deliberate attack on media freedom; condemns the harassment of independent journalists who, in 2025, suffered an increased number of arrests and detentions mainly connected to accusations of ‘membership of a terrorist organisation’, ‘insulting the President’ or the alleged violation of the law on assemblies and demonstrations; follows with great concern the cases of Deutsche Welle reporter Alican Uludağ, who was recently detained by thirty police officers in front of his family and was later arrested over social media posts made more than one year ago, of TELE1 editor-in-chief Merdan Yanardağ, who is currently imprisoned over ‘espionage’ allegations, of Medyascope reporter Furkan Karabay, who was has been arrested repeatedly over the last three years and was recently put under house arrest for two months, of TV anchor Sedef Kabaş, who is facing another judicial case for her social media posts, of veteran journalist Fatih Altayli, who was recently released pending his appeal of a sentence of more than four years in jail on ludicrous charges of physically threatening the Turkish President, of BirGün reporter İsmail Arı, who was recently arrested on alleged charges of ‘disinformation’ for his investigative work, and of Swedish journalist Joakim Medin, among others; calls for the immediate and unconditional release of all unjustly detained journalists; strongly deplores the instrumentalisation of the Radio and Television Supreme Council, which should be independent, to further stifle independent media through financial and broadcasting sanctions, which are overwhelmingly imposed on critical outlets; deplores the multiple and systematic actions against freedom of expression online, including repeated restrictions on internet access, bandwidth throttling, broadcast bans and blocking of social network accounts, websites and thousands of news stories, alongside content removal requests meant to silence journalists and ordinary citizens, frequently on the grounds of ‘national security and public order’; condemns the instrumentalisation of legal provisions by the Turkish authorities to curtail journalists’ work and exert targeted pressure on them; calls on the Turkish authorities to immediately ensure the protection of freedom of expression and media freedom and to guarantee that no individual is deprived of liberty solely for the peaceful exercise of their fundamental rights, in line with Türkiye’s international human rights obligations;

Removed:15. Continues to condemn the ongoing violations and lack of protection of the fundamental rights of LGBTI+ persons in Türkiye;

Added:16. Remains concerned about bans on assemblies, frequently on unsubstantiated grounds, and the excessive use of force against peaceful demonstrators; stresses that these practices run against the guarantees to the right to peaceful assembly under Article 34 of the Turkish Constitution and continue to fall short of international human rights standards; is especially concerned about the impact that these violations of individual freedoms have on the student movement and about the fact that a wide range of repressive actions – including arbitrary detentions, disciplinary investigations, scholarship cuts, evictions from dormitories, media censorship and physical violence – appears to be being used with the aim of limiting young people’s presence in the public sphere; regrets the fact that large numbers of individuals have been detained or subjected to judicial control measures because of their membership of civil society organisations and bar associations, or their participation in demonstrations, particularly the demonstrations held after the arrest and detention of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, and protests related to the 1 May, and rights for women and LGBTI+ people; acknowledges some positive steps, including some acquittal decisions, but urges the Turkish authorities to uphold the freedom of assembly and protest without undue restrictions;

Removed:16. Commends the Turkish authorities and political parties for their efforts within the context of the ongoing ‘Terror-free Türkiye’ initiative; regrets, nevertheless, the lack of timely and decisive action on the part of the Turkish Government;

Added:17. Expresses growing concern about how the Turkish authorities are instilling a regressive moral agenda based on a religious approach in all areas of society, which stands in marked contrast to the secular foundations of the Republic of Türkiye, as enshrined in its constitution; notes that this growing shift, which is promoted by the ruling coalition, can be observed in legislation, political discourse, education, cultural life and media, raising serious questions about the erosion of secularism, pluralism and fundamental freedoms; is concerned by the Turkish Government’s decision to file a lawsuit against the 168 signatories, including journalists, artists and academics, of the ‘We Defend Secularism Together’ declaration;

Added:18. Remains deeply concerned about the state of academic freedom and institutional independence, as illustrated by the deteriorating situation in Boğaziçi University since the appointment, in 2021, of its rector by a decision of the Turkish President; considers this extension of the trustee model to academic institutions, which has produced a clear negative impact on the academic life and performance of the institution, to be a further departure from EU standards on academic freedom, mirroring the government’s attempts to tighten control on any space of possible dissent; calls on the Turkish authorities to ensure democratic governance and autonomy in the country’s universities and to put an end to the crackdown on students that is taking place through restrictions on their freedom of association and expression and on their right to participate fully and freely in academic life;

Added:19. Remains deeply concerned about women’s rights, and particularly about the high level of gender-based violence and the high incidence of femicide in Türkiye; urges the Turkish authorities to improve the legislative framework and its implementation, including by fully applying Protection Law No 6284, in order to effectively tackle all forms of violence against women and the practice of so-called honour killings, provide stronger protection mechanisms and end the persistent policy of impunity by holding abusers to account; regrets that despite having declared 2025 the ‘Year of the Family’, the Turkish Government has opted for a highly ideological and regressive approach that has targeted gender equality as a threat, further reducing the visibility of women in public space, and often treating violence against women and girls as a private family matter, which contributes to impunity; reiterates its strong condemnation of Türkiye’s withdrawal, by presidential decree, from the Istanbul Convention and reiterates its call to reverse this decision and re-ratify it; is concerned by the fact that civil society organisations dealing with women’s rights continue to face growing pressure, including by means of systematic administrative harassment and judicial prosecutions; urges the Turkish Government to address the persistent lack of gender equality in economic life, as Türkiye has one of the lowest female labour force participation rates among OECD countries, as well as a persistent low level of participation by women in decision-making and policymaking processes;

Added:20. Continues to condemn the ongoing violations and lack of protection of the fundamental rights of LGBTI+ persons in Türkiye, including arbitrary detentions, the persistence of hate speech, hate crimes, physical attacks and discriminatory rhetoric, and continued media stereotyping and stigmatisation on the basis of sexual orientation and gender identity; deplores the fact that, instead of tackling this continued discrimination, the Turkish authorities have even intensified their repression by using the Year of the Family initiative as a platform to specifically target the LGBTI+ community and their rights; is deeply worried about several draft law proposals leaked over the past year, which included, for the first time in the history of the Republic of Türkiye, the criminalisation of any expression of LGBTI+ identities and consensual same-sex sexual activity; calls on the Turkish authorities to refrain from any reform of the Turkish penal code that would contravene Türkiye’s international obligations, including those under the ECHR; deeply regrets that in 2025, the Turkish Government continued to ban the Kuir fest and the Pride March in Istanbul and other locations, as well as many other anti-homophobia activities, while at the same time granting official permission for anti-LGBTI+ rallies and demonstrations that promote exclusion and discrimination; deplores the judicial closure of the İzmir-based Genç LGBTI+ Association, amid heightened harassment of civil society organisations working on LGBTI+ issues,’ based on charges of ‘obscenity’ that are increasingly being used to target activists and artists, including Turkish pop singer Mabel Matiz; welcomes the decision of 23 February 2026 of an Ankara court to acquit human rights defender and LGBTI+ activist Enes Hocaoğulları of all charges; regrets the unjustified prosecution he has suffered, including 35 days of pre-trial detention for exercising his freedom of speech at a Council of Europe conference in March 2025;

Added:21. Reiterates its call on the Vice-President of the Commission / High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy (VP/HR), in view of the severe democratic backsliding described above, to consider restrictive measures under the EU Global Human Rights Sanctions Regime, including the freezing of assets in the EU, against Turkish officials responsible for serious and deliberate violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms, including those officials assuming the role of trustee and those appointing them, or those who are key actors in the state’s repressive machinery, such as former Istanbul Chief Public Prosecutor Akın Gürlek; is appalled by his recent promotion to Minister of Justice, which indicates that throughout his career he has always been a political actor following a political agenda; expresses strong solidarity with Turkish civil society, human rights, women’s and LGBTI+ organisations, youth initiatives, professional chambers, bar associations and trade unions; reiterates its view that EU financial and technical assistance should remain focused on these groups and be increased;

Added:22. Condemns reported cases of transnational repression targeting Turkish nationals abroad, including intimidation, forced returns and misuse of international cooperation mechanisms; condemns Türkiye’s past activities that have undermined European social cohesion, security and democratic processes, including interference in Member States’ internal affairs through diaspora communities; remains worried that the racist extremist movement Ülkü Ocakları, also known as the Grey Wolves, which is closely linked to the ruling coalition Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), is spreading not only in Turkey but also in EU Member States; calls for the EU and its Member States to examine the possibility of banning their associations in EU countries; condemns the Turkish authorities’ policy of political, media and logistical support for Muslim Brotherhood-affiliated movements; calls on Türkiye to end all forms of support for these organisations;

Added:23. Expresses its deep concern about the lack of improvement in the dire situation in Turkish prisons owing to severe overcrowding and poor living conditions, with reports, including by the Council of Europe, of torture and ill-treatment being widespread, and access to basic needs, such as hygiene and healthcare, and information being severely limited; notes reports of pregnant women being held in pre-trial detention, including cases of childbirth in custody; urges Türkiye to prioritise non-custodial measures for pregnant women and ensure full implementation of the UN Bangkok Rules on women prisoners; is particularly worried by the conditions of imprisonment of minors, older people and seriously ill prisoners, which are reportedly not compatible with the standards established by the Council of Europe’s Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment; take notes of the recent legal reforms on the law on imprisonment, which have paved the way for the early or conditional release of thousands of prisoners; calls on the Turkish authorities to avoid any politically motivated discriminatory implementation of these reforms and to prioritise the release of vulnerable inmates, including older people, ill people, persons with disabilities and mothers with children; calls on the Turkish authorities to reform their prison policy, in order to address the insufficient legal guarantees for the prevention of torture and ill-treatment and to improve their response to cases denouncing instances of torture, maltreatment and abuse; is worried by reports by local human rights organisations warning of a renewed rise in enforced disappearances since 2016;

Added:24. Commends the Turkish authorities and political parties for their efforts within the context of the ongoing ‘Terror-free Türkiye’ initiative, which has paved the way for notable breakthroughs such as the announced dissolution of the terrorist organisation the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK); regrets, nevertheless, the lack of timely and decisive action on the part of the Turkish Government, whose stalling tactics and attitude towards the next steps in the process have rendered it more fragile and vulnerable to external developments, while creating space for further polarisation; underlines the need to prevent the broad application of anti-terrorism legislation from being used to restrict legitimate political activity, peaceful dissent, civil society work and independent media; deplores the fact that the initiative is accompanied by an athmosphere of repression and curtailment of democratic local government; regrets the continued political repression, judicial harassment and restriction of cultural and linguistic rights faced by Kurdish citizens, which undermine democratic principles and social cohesion; takes note of the final report by the Commission for National Solidarity, Brotherhood and Democracy established within the GNAT; expresses its hope that the process will continue advancing, with a prominent role for the Turkish Parliament, to the point of providing a peaceful and sustainable solution to the political, social, democratic and security-related dimensions of the Kurdish issue and of implementing legislative reforms for Kurdish rights, bringing about reconciliation between the different groups in Turkish society; highlights that this process should be an opportunity to address long-standing human rights concerns and reinforce democratic institutions; encourages all stakeholders, particularly the Turkish Government, to make full use of this process to advance reforms and strengthen human rights protections, by bringing counterterrorism, which remains an important field of cooperation with the EU, and other legislation and its implementation in line with EU and Council of Europe human rights standards, leaving behind the security-driven approach that has prevailed during the last decade; considers some recent developments to be contradictory and worrying signs, such as the continuation of the trustee system or the new convictions of Selahattin Demirtaş, of his lawyer Ramazan Demir and of the mayor of Istanbul’s Esenyurt district Ahmet Özer, who has been sentenced to over six years of prison on charges of ‘membership of a terrorist organisation’ for his role in an informal political alliance between his party the CHP and the DEM party in the 2024 local elections;

Added:25. Calls on the Turkish authorities to establish an institutional framework as an integral part of any lasting peace process, in order to address enforced disappearances, forced displacement and other grave human rights violations stemming from decades of conflict around the Kurdish issue; urges the establishment of pluralistic monitoring mechanisms and the meaningful inclusion of human rights organisations and civil society actors, including in the implementation of the recommendations of the Commission for National Solidarity, Brotherhood and Democracy;

Added:26. Acknowledges that Türkiye provides generally adequate legal guarantees for freedom of religion or belief and that freedom of worship is generally respected in the country; urges the Turkish authorities to address the remaining shortcomings with regard to the protection of the rights of ethnic and religious minorities, in particular as regards their legal personality, the insufficient protection and promotion of minority languages, limited access to schooling support and clergy training, restricted access to media and public advertising in minority languages, and persistent complications in the enjoyment of property rights; calls on Türkiye to implement the Venice Commission recommendations, Council of Europe resolutions and all relevant ECtHR rulings in this regard, including concerning the Greek Orthodox population of the islands of Gökçeada (Imbros) and Bozcaada (Tenedos); notes with concern that representatives of different confessions, including non-Muslim and Alevi communities, continue to face bureaucratic obstacles when attempting to register places of worship; reiterates its call on Türkiye to respect the importance of the Ecumenical Patriarchate for Orthodox Christians all over the world, to recognise its legal personality and the public use of the ecclesiastical title of the Ecumenical Patriarch, in accordance with the relevant Venice Commission recommendation; calls on Türkiye to fully respect and protect the outstanding universal value of Hagia Sophia and the Chora Museum, which are included in UNESCO’s World Heritage List; notes with concern that Türkiye has still not implemented two decisions of the UNESCO World Heritage Committee of 2021 and 2023 regarding its obligations to undertake special measures to protect these monuments; deplores the lack of protection of Panagia Soumela Monastery, which has been put forward for inclusion in the UNESCO World Heritage Monuments list; expresses its serious concerns at the acts of vandalism and destruction targeting minority places of worship; strongly condemns the continued hate attacks against Alevi, Christian and Jewish minorities; calls on the Turkish authorities to effectively investigate and prosecute those responsible for hate crimes, including hate speech, and all forms of discrimination committed against minorities, and to ensure that media regulators apply standards against incitement and hate speech, including against religious communities, notably the Alevi, Christian and Jewish communities; welcomes the envisaged reopening of the Halki Seminary, which has been closed since 1971, as an important positive step in the recognition of religious and minority rights; deplores the application in recent years of administrative measures, such as the N-82 and G-87 codes, to hundreds of foreign Christian pastors, missionaries and their family members, designating them as national security threats without evidence, trial or effective means of appeal, which has resulted in their deportation from Türkiye or their being denied re-entry to the country; urges the Turkish Government to take all the necessary steps to ensure full religious freedom and non-discrimination within the UN framework and according to the EU acquis and principles; calls on Türkiye to refrain from any statements or actions that could be interpreted as interference in the internal affairs of EU Member States concerning the situation of the Muslim minority in Western Thrace, in view of the relevant ECtHR rulings;

Socio-economic and sustainability reforms

Change 12

Removed:17. Welcomes the Turkish authorities’ ongoing macroeconomic stabilisation and reform programme, and their commitment to reducing inflation while protecting growth;

Added:27. Welcomes the Turkish authorities’ ongoing macroeconomic stabilisation and reform programme and their commitment to reducing inflation while protecting growth, which has reduced inflation and improved confidence in the Turkish lira, as also evidenced by the recent IMF Article IV staff consultations in Türkiye; notes that, despite these efforts, the economic situation remains fragile and volatile, with the results of the unorthodox monetary policy still impacting the cost of living; notes that, as a tight monetary policy and prudent fiscal policy will be required to stay on this path, measures should be undertaken to protect the most vulnerable, particularly pensioners;

Removed:18. Notes that the continued erosion of the rule of law and legal certainty will inevitably have an impact on investor confidence and on the economy;

Added:28. Notes that the continued erosion of the rule of law and legal certainty will inevitably have a negative impact on investor confidence and on the economy; stresses that sustainable economic development requires strong democratic institutions, the rule of law, legal certainty and respect for fundamental rights; highlights the vast financial impact that unlawful actions by the authorities can have, as illustrated by the arrest of the Mayor of Istanbul in March 2025, which triggered financial turmoil and large capital outflows, forcing the relevant authorities to take extraordinary measures to stem the fall of the lira, restore investor confidence and preserve financial stability, at the cost of a substantial decrease in official reserves; is concerned by the extensive use of the extraordinary powers granted to the Savings Deposit Insurance Fund (TMSF), which has seized and appointed trustees to hundreds of private companies, including large conglomerates and media companies such as TELE1, making the TMSF one of the country’s biggest corporate actors; notes that the outward migration of talented people from Türkiye because of concerns regarding the rule of law and fundamental freedoms can have an increased negative impact on the economic and social situation;

Removed:19. Calls on Turkish authorities to implement Türkiye’s international obligations in relation to the fight against corruption, in particular the UN Convention Against Corruption and the relevant Council of Europe conventions;