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EU Parl Watch

Changes between two versions

What changed between the draft committee report and the plenary report

From · draft committee report· 5 Mar 2025

AFET-PR-769915

on the 2023 and 2024 Commission reports on North Macedonia

To · plenary report· 27 Jun 2025

A-10-2025-0118

on the 2023 and 2024 Commission reports on North Macedonia

AI:What changed, in short

Adds extensive new content on foreign policy alignment, including concern over abstention on UN resolution and influence operations.214 Expands calls for constitutional reforms and EU integration, urging the European Council to signal next phase.234 Adds detailed paragraphs on media freedom, corruption, judiciary, and human rights, with new calls for action.5678 Adds new sections on economy, social policy, environment, and energy, with many specific recommendations.101112 The other changes are formal and wording: rephrasing and updating references.113

12 changes of substance · 0 formal · 2 of wording only

Written by AI from the two texts only · read the changes before relying on it · 4 Sept 2026 · Report a problem

+99 added · −36 removed · 9 changed paragraphs, packaging included.

Part 4 of 4: EXPLANATORY STATEMENT

EXPLANATORY STATEMENT

6 unchanged paragraphs

The European Parliament closely monitors political and socio-economic development in the enlargement countries and the standing rapporteur of the European Parliament usually presents its report following the Commission’s enlargement package. As the newly appointed standing rapporteur for North Macedonia, I have the honour to present my first report in response to the Commission’s 2023 and 2024 country reports. With this report, I aim to provide a balanced assessment of North Macedonia’s complex political context while urging political stakeholders to advance reforms, honour past agreements, and I call on EU institutions and Member States to prevent future bilateral blockades and provide the country with the necessary assurances and tailor-made support.

With the successful implementation of the Ohrid Framework Agreement (2001) the country became a role model in the region for the peaceful resolution of ethnic disputes through dialogue and mutual understanding. Only four years after the signature of this agreement, North Macedonia obtained candidate status in 2005, and has long been a frontrunner in the region. The country has undertaken impressive and difficult reforms—including a historic name change—yet its accession process has been obstructed for far too long due to bilateral disputes. In 2022, to overcome Bulgaria’s veto on accession talks, the EU included Bulgaria’s demands in the Council conclusions related to North Macedonia’s accession, with the EU acting as guarantor of their implementation. The so-called French proposal, however, set a concerning precedent by allowing the accession process to be used for resolving cultural and historical disputes. While this agreement ultimately led to the lifting of the veto, the first Intergovernmental Conference (IGC) on July 19, 2022, and the start of screening, it also required North Macedonia to amend its Constitution to include the Bulgarian minority. Screening sessions for all six clusters were completed by December 7, 2023, and the country will be able to move to the next phase of negotiations once the constitutional amendments are adopted.

Years of setbacks and unfulfilled promises have understandably led to frustration, disappointment and a continuous decline in public support for EU integration in North Macedonia. However, amid these times of major shifts in the international world order as Europe knows it, there is a renewed sense of urgency and an important opportunity to advance the accession process. All political stakeholders, particularly Members of Parliament from the ruling coalition and the government, must seize this moment and engage in constructive dialogue to achieve consensus on the aforementioned constitutional amendments. The EU and its Member States must fully support this endeavour, including providing assurances that the constitutional changes will not lead to further bilateral demands.

North Macedonia has drafted an excellent and ambitious reform agenda – arguably one of the best in the region. Its rigorous implementation would put the country back on track, especially in key areas such as fighting corruption, ensuring judicial independence, reforming public administration, and improving the situation of media freedom. However, some recent developments, including the country’s decision to abstain from the latest European resolution on Ukraine in the UN General Assembly while co-sponsoring the U.S. resolution in February 2025, have raised concerns among North Macedonia’s EU supporters about its long-term trajectory.

I sincerely hope that all parties—North Macedonia’s authorities, EU institutions, and neighbouring countries—recognise the urgency of the moment and act decisively to move forward.

As for the responsibility of this House, I am committed to building a stable, constructive, pro-European, pro-democratic, and pro-enlargement alliance in support of North Macedonia’s EU accession. I hope to secure the support of every Member who shares this goal.